Things Are Not So Black and White
The United States is a country with a very racially charged history, beginning with the genocide of Native Americans upon its founding and continuing with the owning and trading of slaves up until the nineteenth century. Though the slave industry was, at least initially, not raciallybased, the overwhelming disproportionate enslavement of Africans to other races and ethnicities began to create a racial binary in the United States. However, on November 4th 2008 Barack Obama became the first nonwhite man elected as president, leading many Americans to believe that this binary and the conflicts surrounding it were laid to rest and race ceased to be an issue of importance in this country. Though this was not the case, Obama’s election did in fact serve as a symbol of changing race relations in the United States as well as the dawn of a new age of American culture that has been dubbed the Age of Obama. Ultimately, the Age of Obama is a cultural period in which black Americans have gained status in terms of white people’s opinions of them but not in terms of overall social and economic opportunities. It has also strengthened the belief in America as a postracial society, or one in which negative race relations are no longer a significant problem. This popular ideology has sparked a new trend in American literature from satires such as Baratunde Thurston’s How to be Black to coming of age stories such as Colson Whitehead’s Sag Harbor.
Although many place the beginning of this cultural period known as the Age of Obama in November of 2008, some scholars argue that Obama’s election did not influence this cultural shift so much as it was influenced by it. Obama was born at the beginning of the civil rights movement, growing up amidst an array of black empowerment movements and during a time when the opportunities available for black Americans were beginning to expand. By the 1990s, when Obama first entered politics, there began emerge this perception that race issues were essentially “over” in the United States. Amina Gautier comments in “On PostRacial America in the Age of Obama” how, unlike her grandmother, Gautier “grew up with the understanding that a black American, male or female, could indeed become the president of the United States” (Gautier 91). Just a little over fifty years ago the question of whether or not black people would be allowed to vote was under much debate. The idea that one could become president was almost laughable. However, the generations born postcivil rights were introduced to and comfortable with this possibility for most of their lives. In fact, it was often seen as an inevitability. This fosters an argument that the Age of Obama began, not with Obama’s election, but in the cultural shifts that began to take place in the years preceding it. Kurt Anderson argues in “Pop Culture in the Age of Obama” that “what’s most pop culturally interesting about him is not so much Obama as cause but Obama as effect. He strategically harnessed pop culture, he produced it with two bestselling books, he avidly consumes it” (Anderson 2). Obama’s election created a shifting viewpoint and continued discussion of changing race relations in the United States, however, his influence on American culture cannot be examined without considering the influence that his culture initially had on him.
Anderson goes on to suggest, like many other Americans have, that Obama’s integration into popular American culture that earned him popularity and eventually contributed to his position as a presidential candidate is, in itself, proof of the recline of race and racism as prevalent political and social issues. He asks readers “didn’t Obama’s election prove that people will respond to vision and intelligence, that familiar binary pigeonholes no longer necessarily apply…?” (Anderson 4). Anderson is essentially alluding to the idea of postracialism, suggesting that Obama won because of his personality, his race being an insignificant issue. Gautier, however, strongly disagrees with this idea of a post racial America. She attacks the mere linguistics of the phrase emphasizing that “to affix the prefix post to a word implies a completion...the term postracial seems an errant phrase…there must previously have been a ‘racial America.’” (Gautier 93). She argues that, because race relations have never truly been dealt with but rather swept under the rug and discussed “through monologue and soliloquy rather than dialogue, through allegory, metaphor, and figurative language rather than direct speech” it is irrational that one could conclude that this conversation is somehow over (Gautier 93). Despite the incredible steps African Americans have made in gaining rights, race remains an integral aspect of American identity, specifically in terms of black and white.
It has been agreed upon by most of dark and light skin tone that the Age of Obama does in fact, signify changing race relations in the United States, however just what do those changing relations look like? Americans have loved to throw around this term postracial but from a larger cultural standpoint what exactly does it mean? In “The Two Worlds of Race Revisited” Gerald Early discusses the inherent flaw in the American belief that “race relations are somehow reflected as progress...then some millennial aim or goal emerges: a moment to be reached when race relations or race itself shall be no more” (Early 12). Americans want to see race as a social issue that is on its way out, comparable to something like child labor that was once a huge concern for American workers and is now no longer discussed. If the civil rights was the first step, Obama’s election must certainly be the last, the ultimate sign that racial conflicts have been overcome. However, Early points out that “the difficult craft of postracial racialism requires buying into a belief that everything has changed in modern attitudes about race...while at the same time recognizing that the problems that stigmatize black people...are as intractable now as ever (Early 15). Through this term “postracial” Americans are essentially asserting that black people are now wellliked but will remain being treated unequally. This ideology is similar to the “separate but equal” slogan that segregationists used during the civil rights movement. In fact, Orlando Patterson in “Race and Diversity in the Age of Obama” points out that other ethnic groups, particularly Hispanics, have been assimilated into white culture in a way that African Americans have largely still not managed to do. He asserts that the cause of this is the disturbing fact that “in private life blacks are almost as isolated from whites today as they were under Jim Crow...their isolation means that the problem of ethnoracial relations in America remains, at heart, a blackwhite issue” (Patterson 11). It is illogical to look at the extreme discrepancies between black and white income, education levels, health, and others and claim that America is now “colorblind.” Even considering the wide variety of races and ethnicities that live in the United States, the blackwhite racial binary is still very much present today.
Although black Americans continue to face substantial social and economic disadvantages, many white Americans fail to see this. This is largely a result of increased black exposure in the media and in popular culture. With the general white public now more convinced, through characters such as Bill Cosby and actors such as Will Smith, that the black population might be just be “alright after all,” Americans can now compliment themselves on their antiracist views while continuing to believe that government “handouts” or affirmative action programs are inessential and unfair. This is a very prominent characteristic of the Age of Obama known as enlightened exceptionalism, in which white people can now deem certain black people as worthy or acceptable while still shaming and discriminating against smaller and often times poorer sections of the black population. In Between Barack and a Hard Place Tim Wise terms this phenomena “racism 2.0” which, as opposed to the harsh and blatant racism of the past, “manages to accommodate individual people of color, even as it continues to look down upon the larger mass of black and brown America with suspicion, fear, and contempt” (Wise 23).
Although it is assumed that Obama’s election has altered the perception and treatment of black people in America, he has in many ways simply raised the standards even further for what black people must accomplish in order to be considered successful. However, how is it that white Americans choose which black artists and actors will become stars and what is it that makes us more comfortable with them over a black person we may pass on the street?
For a black American to be accepted by the larger white population, they must, in essence, be white. In other words, they must be assimilated into white culture. David Roane discusses this in his article “The New Racial Dialogue” in which he examines the role of white culture in the Age of Obama. He claims that “highlighting Obama’s white aspects at the expense of his black ones might make more palatable justification for having selected him as our president” (Roane 3). In other words, Obama “is a black who did not, through his habits or inclinations, overly remind that he is black” (Early 18). As a black man running for president, Obama had to be very aware of the racial stereotypes that would be pushed on him and therefore had to, essentially, choose how black he was to present himself to the American public. The white populations acceptance of Obama due to his white characteristics is further proof of this phenomena of enlightened exceptionalism and how it has extended further into our culture during the Age of Obama. Baratunde Thurston’s satirical novel How To Be Black is all about this phenomena and how it has affected him throughout his life.
How To Be Black is part satirical selfhelp and part autobiographical as Thurston takes readers through his long struggle of being one of the only black kids at Sidwell, his private high school, and eventually at Harvard. Growing up in a lower class, minorityfilled neighborhood and traveling to an all white private school in which he stood out, to say the least, among his sea of white classmates makes Thurston a perfect example of someone who has been considered exceptionally enlightened by his teachers and peers. Not only are these enlightened black people positioned as examples to follow, they also serve as a sort of spokesperson for the entire race. In his chapter entitled “How to Speak for All Black People,” Thurston documents the tendency of most white people to go running to their token black friend with questions concerning the opinion of all African Americans in the United States. Thurston warns black people to be prepared for questions such as: “why do black people riot? Is it true you all hate homosexuals?” and so on (Thurston 91). Thurston proclaims that, in order to be taken seriously, one must be male, wear a suit, not be too young or too old, and speak clearly, though be wary as “perfect diction may undermine your black cred. The media will only accept a handful of black spokespeople who sound like they went to the same school as them” (Thurston 92). America has some pretty high standards of what it takes to be black and fully accepted in society. However, though the whiteapproved black person must have adopted white culture, they must still possess a certain amount of “black cred” as Thurston puts it. In other words, America wants to show the world that black people are educated and successful, just not quite as educated and successful as white people.
Though the title How To Be Black may send the message that this is a book for black people, in actuality it is much more useful to whites. By confessing his own experiences as a black boy in a private school and eventually an ivy league university, Thurston illustrates to white people that this tendency to accept and befriend black people as long as they are in a white setting is not much of an improvement over discriminating against them all. Wise makes this point too when he asks “isn’t the entire concept of ‘transcending blackness’ in and of itself racist, insofar as it presumes, if only by implication, that there is something negative about blacknesssomething to be avoided or...worked around or smoothed over?” (Wise 24). Enlightened exceptionalism is essentially the idea that blackness can be overcome. It praises people for being successful despite their blackness, rather than acknowledging that blackness and successfulness can exist alongside each other. Wise goes on to say that enlightened exceptionalism, or racism 2.0, is “the political equivalent of a white person telling their black friend or colleague ‘I don’t even think of you as black’ and not understanding why [they are] offended” (Wise 24). America believes that going “colorblind” or becoming postracial in the sense that race is no longer a factor in everyday social and political life is a sign of success in this country, however, in actuality it is racist and ignorant in that it implies any race other than white is negative. Instead of being more tolerant and accepting of other races, ethnicities, and cultures, white Americans would rather pretend that they do not exist.
White Americans want so badly for racial discussions to be over. They see Obama as a symbol of blackness, successful blackness, that has overcome years of struggle and disadvantagement to be put in one of the most powerful positions in the world. However, Roane argues that it is the, often overlooked, fact that Obama is biracial that is a true inspiration. He states that “Obama’s biracial heritage represents the genetic complexity potentially lying in every American. The beauty about Obama is that we can each identify with him according to our own race and ethnicity while still acknowledging the presence of other backgrounds” (Roane 4). Rather than exclaiming “we elected a black guy, racism is over!” the American people should see Obama’s mixed heritage for what it is, a blending of black and white in which both cultures are acknowledged and exist together equally. This should be the goal of future race relations in our country rather than this push towards a postracial future in which race bares no importance at all.
The Age of Obama has certainly led to a cultural shift on how black people are viewed in the United States, most notably through this concept of enlightened exceptionalism. Furthermore, it has influenced the way in which Americans consume media, particularly media created and produced by black people. in “Reading African American Classics in the Age of Obama,” Michael Antonucci discusses Obama alongside Frederick Douglass, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Toni Morrison, identifying the Presidents own contributions to African American literature and the evolution that this genre has undergone. The first notable contribution of African Americans to the literary world were slave narratives which gained popularity during the abolition movement as a way for former slaves to share their stories. Both Douglass’s Narrative and Obama’s Dreams are attempts by black males to establish an identity in America (Antonucci 544). The story of one black man’s journey through enslavement compared to another black man’s journey through school systems in contemporary America illustrates the shifting struggles of black people in the United States. Antonucci argues that the manner in which we consume black media, particularly literature, should involve attentiveness to the stunning reality that “an African American writer is our president” (Antonucci 544). Black people have struggled for decades to gain recognition for their discoveries, inventions, artwork, and literature as black accomplishments are often overshadowed in media. However, not only do American’s now have a nonwhite man as president, he is a nonwhite author and contributor to popular culture. This is significant to consider when looking at other black Americans who have made significant contributions to popular culture and when reading African American literature.
Colson Whitehead’s comingofage novel titled Sag Harbor is a wonderful example of black literature in the Age of Obama. While the term postracial is ineffective in describing our nation as a whole, it can more accurately be used when studying black literature. Postracialism or, what Toure in his article “Visible Young Man” terms “postblackness,” in literature is essentially the idea that stories featuring black characters do not have to be centered on the struggle of overcoming racial disadvantages. Whitehead tells the story of young Benji Cooper who comes from a privileged and wealthy household. The novel centers around his and his brothers time spent in the Hamptons during the summer. While racial tensions certainly exist in the novel with the boys staying on the “black side” of the beach, making acknowledging comments throughout the novel of negative white perceptions of them, Benji’s main adolescent struggle is not with his skin color. It is, like most teenage boys, with finding a girlfriend, holding a summer job, and fitting in with his friends. Benji comments that “according to the world, we were the definition of paradox: black boys with beach houses. A paradox to the outside, but it never occurred to us that there was anything strange about it. It was simply who we were” (Whitehead 71). While historically, this stereotypic ideology surrounding black status is integral to discussions of race, for Benji and his friends, there was nothing strange to them about their class. However, Toure points out that, throughout Sag Harbor, “whites are mostly offstage...for these characters, as for many blacks in the upper middle class, there’s a constant worry about the white gaze” (Toure 2). White perception is still integral to the Sag Harbor kids’ thought process as Benji points out “you didn’t, for example, walk down Main Street with a watermelon under your arm even if you had a pretty good reason….we were on display” (Whitehead 250). While race is not totally absent from these boys minds, it is not a constant struggle they are fighting. While slave narratives and other popular African American literature “document the horror of being black and enslaved or segregated or impoverished or imprisoned...Whitehead’s Benji starts with tremendous class advantages...life doesn’t assault him but rather affords him the time to figure out who he wants to be. Benji may be an outlier, but he is not alone” (Toure 3). Benji is different from the typical black protagonist. He is wealthy, he is privileged, he does not face the same disadvantages that middle and lower class black people face. He is an example of a black protagonist in the Age of Obama, one who has experienced and is the product of black success and hard work and, as a result, is free from the many struggles faced by preceding generations. He is a postracial character in that his blackness is not the most important thing about him. However, that blackness is still an integral and important part of his identity which he does not wish or try to hide.
The Age of Obama has had a huge impact on American culture. Whether it began in the early 200s or on the exact day of Obama’s election, it has opened the door for more widespread acceptance of black people in America and has made steps to decrease the harsh racial binary that exists in this country. However, the extent to which it has accomplished this has been largely exaggerated by many white Americans. The phenomena of racism 2.0 and enlightened exceptionalism have aided in making white people believe they are more accepting of different races, however, in actuality it has simply allowed them to discriminate in different ways as well as provided them with a way to mask that discrimination. America has certainly come a long way, however, postracial ideology can shield the long way it still needs to go. Though race should not be thought of as something that must be overcome, race relations and cultural acceptance still need improvement in the United States. Obama’s election was a huge stepping stone but there are many more steps that must be taken such as perhaps the acknowledgement that black Americans remain largely disadvantaged in society and the attempt to integrate black people deeper into popular culture beyond simply in a manner that earns white approval.
Works Cited
Andersen, Kurt. "Pop Culture in the Age of Obama." The New York Times Book Review 9 Aug. 2009: 23(L). Literature Resource Center. Web. 10 Apr. 2015.
Antonucci, Michael. "Robert B. Stepto. A Home Elsewhere: Reading African American Classics in the Age of Obama." African American Review 44.3 (2011): 542+. Literature Resource Center. Web. 10 Apr. 2015.
Early, Gerald. "The Two Worlds of Race Revisited: A Meditation on Race in the Age of Obama." Daedalus 140.1 (2011): 11+. Literature Resource Center. Web. 12 Apr. 2015. Gautier, Amina. "On PostRacial America in the Age of Obama." Daedalus 140.1 (2011): 90+. Literature Resource Center. Web. 12 Apr. 2015
Patterson, Orlando. "Race and Diversity in the Age of Obama." The New York Times Book Review 16 Aug. 2009: 23(L). Literature Resource Center. Web. 10 Apr. 2015.
Roane, David H. “The New Racial Dialogue: Arriving at Whiteness in the Age of Obama.” Journal of African American Studies 13 (2008). 18486. Web.
Toure. "Visible Young Man." The New York Times Book Review 3 May 2009: 1(L). Literature Resource Center. Web. 12 Apr. 2015.
Whitehead, Colson. Sag Harbor. Toronto: Anchor Books, 2009. Print. Wise, Tim. Between Barack and a Hard Place. San Francisco: City Light Books, 2009. Print.